sedan
01-21-2007, 10:23 AM
A World Free of Nuclear Weapons
By GEORGE P. SHULTZ, WILLIAM J. PERRY, HENRY A. KISSINGER and SAM NUNN
January 4, 2007
Nuclear weapons today present tremendous dangers, but also an historic opportunity.
U.S. leadership will be required to take the world to the next stage -- to a solid consensus
for reversing reliance on nuclear weapons globally as a vital contribution to preventing
their proliferation into potentially dangerous hands, and ultimately ending them as a
threat to the world.
Nuclear weapons were essential to maintaining international security during the Cold
War because they were a means of deterrence. The end of the Cold War made the
doctrine of mutual Soviet-American deterrence obsolete. Deterrence continues to be a
relevant consideration for many states with regard to threats from other states. But
reliance on nuclear weapons for this purpose is becoming increasingly hazardous and
decreasingly effective.
North Korea's recent nuclear test and Iran's refusal to stop its program to enrich uranium -
- potentially to weapons grade -- highlight the fact that the world is now on the precipice
of a new and dangerous nuclear era. Most alarmingly, the likelihood that non-state
terrorists will get their hands on nuclear weaponry is increasing. In today's war waged on
world order by terrorists, nuclear weapons are the ultimate means of mass devastation.
And non-state terrorist groups with nuclear weapons are conceptually outside the bounds
of a deterrent strategy and present difficult new security challenges.
Apart from the terrorist threat, unless urgent new actions are taken, the U.S. soon will be
compelled to enter a new nuclear era that will be more precarious, psychologically
disorienting, and economically even more costly than was Cold War deterrence. It is far
from certain that we can successfully replicate the old Soviet-American "mutually
assured destruction" with an increasing number of potential nuclear enemies world-wide
without dramatically increasing the risk that nuclear weapons will be used. New nuclear
states do not have the benefit of years of step-by-step safeguards put in effect during the
Cold War to prevent nuclear accidents, misjudgments or unauthorized launches. The
United States and the Soviet Union learned from mistakes that were less than fatal. Both
countries were diligent to ensure that no nuclear weapon was used during the Cold War
by design or by accident. Will new nuclear nations and the world be as fortunate in the
next 50 years as we were during the Cold War?
Leaders addressed this issue in earlier times. In his "Atoms for Peace" address to the
United Nations in 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower pledged America's "determination to help
solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by
which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but
consecrated to his life." John F. Kennedy, seeking to break the logjam on nuclear
disarmament, said, "The world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his
execution."
Rajiv Gandhi, addressing the U.N. General Assembly on June 9, 1988, appealed,
"Nuclear war will not mean the death of a hundred million people. Or even a thousand
million. It will mean the extinction of four thousand million: the end of life as we know it
on our planet earth. We come to the United Nations to seek your support. We seek your
support to put a stop to this madness."
Ronald Reagan called for the abolishment of "all nuclear weapons," which he considered
to be "totally irrational, totally inhumane, good for nothing but killing, possibly
destructive of life on earth and civilization." Mikhail Gorbachev shared this vision, which
had also been expressed by previous American presidents.
Although Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev failed at Reykjavik to achieve the goal of an
agreement to get rid of all nuclear weapons, they did succeed in turning the arms race on
its head. They initiated steps leading to significant reductions in deployed long- and
intermediate-range nuclear forces, including the elimination of an entire class of
threatening missiles.
What will it take to rekindle the vision shared by Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev? Can a
world-wide consensus be forged that defines a series of practical steps leading to major
reductions in the nuclear danger? There is an urgent need to address the challenge posed
by these two questions.
Rest of article (http://72.14.203.104/search?q=cache:0KWgoXRhUpYJ:www.psaonline.org/article.php%3Fid%3D129&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=8)
By GEORGE P. SHULTZ, WILLIAM J. PERRY, HENRY A. KISSINGER and SAM NUNN
January 4, 2007
Nuclear weapons today present tremendous dangers, but also an historic opportunity.
U.S. leadership will be required to take the world to the next stage -- to a solid consensus
for reversing reliance on nuclear weapons globally as a vital contribution to preventing
their proliferation into potentially dangerous hands, and ultimately ending them as a
threat to the world.
Nuclear weapons were essential to maintaining international security during the Cold
War because they were a means of deterrence. The end of the Cold War made the
doctrine of mutual Soviet-American deterrence obsolete. Deterrence continues to be a
relevant consideration for many states with regard to threats from other states. But
reliance on nuclear weapons for this purpose is becoming increasingly hazardous and
decreasingly effective.
North Korea's recent nuclear test and Iran's refusal to stop its program to enrich uranium -
- potentially to weapons grade -- highlight the fact that the world is now on the precipice
of a new and dangerous nuclear era. Most alarmingly, the likelihood that non-state
terrorists will get their hands on nuclear weaponry is increasing. In today's war waged on
world order by terrorists, nuclear weapons are the ultimate means of mass devastation.
And non-state terrorist groups with nuclear weapons are conceptually outside the bounds
of a deterrent strategy and present difficult new security challenges.
Apart from the terrorist threat, unless urgent new actions are taken, the U.S. soon will be
compelled to enter a new nuclear era that will be more precarious, psychologically
disorienting, and economically even more costly than was Cold War deterrence. It is far
from certain that we can successfully replicate the old Soviet-American "mutually
assured destruction" with an increasing number of potential nuclear enemies world-wide
without dramatically increasing the risk that nuclear weapons will be used. New nuclear
states do not have the benefit of years of step-by-step safeguards put in effect during the
Cold War to prevent nuclear accidents, misjudgments or unauthorized launches. The
United States and the Soviet Union learned from mistakes that were less than fatal. Both
countries were diligent to ensure that no nuclear weapon was used during the Cold War
by design or by accident. Will new nuclear nations and the world be as fortunate in the
next 50 years as we were during the Cold War?
Leaders addressed this issue in earlier times. In his "Atoms for Peace" address to the
United Nations in 1953, Dwight D. Eisenhower pledged America's "determination to help
solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by
which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but
consecrated to his life." John F. Kennedy, seeking to break the logjam on nuclear
disarmament, said, "The world was not meant to be a prison in which man awaits his
execution."
Rajiv Gandhi, addressing the U.N. General Assembly on June 9, 1988, appealed,
"Nuclear war will not mean the death of a hundred million people. Or even a thousand
million. It will mean the extinction of four thousand million: the end of life as we know it
on our planet earth. We come to the United Nations to seek your support. We seek your
support to put a stop to this madness."
Ronald Reagan called for the abolishment of "all nuclear weapons," which he considered
to be "totally irrational, totally inhumane, good for nothing but killing, possibly
destructive of life on earth and civilization." Mikhail Gorbachev shared this vision, which
had also been expressed by previous American presidents.
Although Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev failed at Reykjavik to achieve the goal of an
agreement to get rid of all nuclear weapons, they did succeed in turning the arms race on
its head. They initiated steps leading to significant reductions in deployed long- and
intermediate-range nuclear forces, including the elimination of an entire class of
threatening missiles.
What will it take to rekindle the vision shared by Reagan and Mr. Gorbachev? Can a
world-wide consensus be forged that defines a series of practical steps leading to major
reductions in the nuclear danger? There is an urgent need to address the challenge posed
by these two questions.
Rest of article (http://72.14.203.104/search?q=cache:0KWgoXRhUpYJ:www.psaonline.org/article.php%3Fid%3D129&hl=en&gl=us&ct=clnk&cd=8)